Analysing the Second COP30 Presidency Letter: Bold and inspiring ahead of Belem, but vague on critical Global South demands

COP30 President-Designate André Corrêa do Lago

In summary: Ambassador André Corrêa do Lago’s second COP30 letter offers an inspiring vision of global solidarity through a “Global Mutirão”, is inclusive on rhetoric and leadership frameworks, and pivots toward action, but the lack of specificity around finance, fossil fuel phase-out, and structural reforms risks undermining its ambitions

The second letter from the COP30 Presidency, authored by Ambassador André Corrêa do Lago and published on 8 May 2025, outlines a bold vision for global climate mobilisation under the concept of a “Global Mutirão”, a Tupi-derived Brazilian term meaning ‘collective effort’. This analysis by Power Shift Africa examines the letter’s central themes and proposals, contextualising them within the lived experiences and expectations of Africa and the Global South, which continue to face disproportionate climate impacts, systemic inequities, and unmet climate finance commitments.

Building on the first COP30 letter on March 10, 2025, this second dispatch shifts towards implementation, placing the “Global Mutirão” at the heart of climate ambition. It introduces four “Circles of Leadership” to spur collaboration and proposes “self-determined contributions” (SDCs) as a grassroots complement to Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). It casts COP30, set for November 10 to 21 in Belém, Brazil, as a historic pivot from negotiation to action, marking 10 years since the Paris Agreement and 20 years since the Kyoto Protocol came into force.

The “Global Mutirão” is envisioned as a model for mass mobilisation, encouraging individuals, communities, and organisations to make self-determined contributions aligned with their capacities and contexts. These SDCs might include regenerative agriculture by farmers, youth-led solar energy projects, or mangrove restoration by coastal communities.

“Mirroring actual experiences on the ground, be it in indigenous and urban Afro-descendant peripheric communities, the Global Mutirão framework will welcome individuals and organisations to present ‘self-determined contributions’... to sustainably address climate challenges,” it notes.

This emphasis on community-led initiatives aligns well with Africa’s longstanding emphasis on local solutions amid limited external support. Examples include communal farming and indigenous conservation, which are often overlooked in formal climate finance frameworks. However, the stress on “self-determined” action risks overburdening already strained communities unless systemic challenges such as limited access to finance, technology, and capacity are addressed. The letter falls short of acknowledging this imbalance, particularly in light of COP29’s underwhelming delivery of the finance goal.

Also, while the grassroots orientation is welcome, the letter is vague on how SDCs will be resourced or scaled. Without clear mechanisms for finance, technology transfer, or policy support, expecting marginalised groups to drive climate action risks reinforcing inequities rather than resolving them.

The four proposed “Circles of Leadership” are designed to foster collective wisdom. They are outlined as the COP Presidents’ Circle, led by Laurent Fabius from COP21 and uniting past COP leaders; Circle of Peoples to amplify the voices of indigenous, youth, and marginalised communities; Circle of Finance Ministers to mobilise climate finance through financial leadership; and Global Ethical Stocktake Circle to reflect on the moral dimensions of climate action. The letter describes these as “waves forming and merging into an unstoppable tide.”

The Circle of Peoples resonates with Africa’s call for greater representation of indigenous voices and youth, reflecting COP29’s Baku Workplan. The Finance Ministers’ Circle is particularly significant as Africa continues to advocate for reformed financial architectures and debt relief, aligned with Brazil’s 2024 G20 emphasis on climate-aligned development finance. These Circles offer inclusive rhetoric but lack operational clarity. Without concrete mandates or mechanisms, they risk becoming symbolic. The Finance Ministers’ Circle must address the Global South’s call for structural reform and debt restructuring. Moreover, the Presidents’ Circle could be viewed as elitist unless it integrates voices from historically underrepresented nations.

At the same time, the letter frames COP30 as a moment for practical implementation, calling for progress across adaptation, mitigation, just transition, and finance. It pledges monthly communications and a focus on the Action Agenda, formal negotiations, global mobilisation, and a Leaders’ Summit. This aligns with Africa’s calls at COP29 for stronger adaptation support, operationalisation of the Loss and Damage Fund, and a just transition. With the Global South concerned about declining Western climate engagement due to US political shifts and European focus on security, the emphasis on action is timely.

But while the rhetoric is energising, the letter sidesteps the issue of fossil fuel phase-out, which is critical for climate-vulnerable countries. Without firm language on ending fossil fuel dependence, the letter risks repeating past shortcomings. Monthly updates are a welcome move, but they must translate into binding commitments.

On ethical and inclusive framing, the letter promotes shared human values, namely resilience, optimism, diversity, and calls for intergenerational collaboration, citing the need to combine “wisdom, patience and maturity” with “youth’s enthusiasm, idealism and resourcefulness.” It commits to spotlighting indigenous and Afro-descendant communities. This framing aligns with climate justice narratives that link historic injustices to present vulnerabilities. Africa’s engagement through the Youth-led Climate Forum and the Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform at COP29 reinforces this demand for ethical inclusion.

But we must caution that inspirtion alone is insufficient. Real inclusivity requires resources, policy reform, and decision-making power. The absence of reparative finance or explicit fossil fuel divestment undermines the justice framing. Africa bears the brunt of worsening droughts, floods, and food insecurity despite contributing less than 4% of global emissions, and many countries on the contient spend more on debt than on health or education, limiting climate investments. It should be clear to all by now that COP29 exposed the disconnect between Global South priorities (adaptation, finance) and developed country agendas (mitigation).

The Global South expects delivery of the $1.3 trillion annual goal by 2035, with specific mechanisms for adaptation and loss and damage. COP30 must also provide actionable frameworks for just transition, especially in fossil fuel-dependent economies, and Africa will keep demanding meaningful participation in global governance and financial institutions.

In a nutshell, therefore, the second COP30 letter offers an inspiring vision of global solidarity through a “Global Mutirão.” Its inclusive rhetoric, leadership frameworks, and pivot toward action resonate with Africa’s and the Global South’s calls for justice, representation, and grassroots empowerment. However, the lack of specificity around finance, fossil fuel phase-out, and structural reforms risks undermining its ambitions.

For COP30 to succeed, Brazil must translate vision into tangible mechanisms that empower the most vulnerable. This means leveraging its G20 and BRICS leadership to address debt, finance, and energy equity, ensuring that Africa’s voice not only shapes but defines the path toward a just and sustainable future.